What a few days we’ve all had with the media and television highlighting UKIP billboards to gain seats in the forth coming European and Local Elections. Remember this poster going some parts of the country. Now if you now compare the poster UKIP poster it is almost saying the same thing but dressed up in the same way to say all Europeans are not welcome into the UK.
A campaign organization called Hope Not Hate first brought it to the public domain and it’s little wonder why at a previous UK Independence Party passed a motion to ban Hope No Hate from attending their conference as observers. One has to question the make up of their party how many Black and Minority Ethnic members they have on their National Executive Committee, and how many candidates who are standing are from Black and Minority Ethnic as potential candidates in the forth coming elections.( Put image of person who latest poster)
It’s no wonder UKIP seems to attract bad publicity with such comments of Bongo Bongo Land, and I’m sure no women will put up with sexist comments.
Remember this cilp see below:
Nigel Farage was forced to deny charges of racism after launching a poster campaign saying Europeans were after British jobs.
The figure is based on the total number of unemployed people in Europe, where EU-mandated attacks on public services have caused huge job losses much like those inflicted by the Tory-Lib Dem coalition in Britain.
Anti-racism campaigners warned that Mr Farage’s increasing use of slogans urging Britons to “take back control of our country” from foreigners echoed the chant of the fascist English Defence League “we want our country back.”
Veteran anti-fascist and editor of Searchlight magazine Gerry Gable said the theme could be traced back to Hitler before the Second World War.
And he poured rubbish on Ukip’s ludicrous scaremongering.
“It would mean every single unemployed person in Europe wants to come to Britain,” he pointed out. “There is no factual substance in this at all.
Mr Gable also noted that it was significant that French National Front leader Marine Le Pen recently said there was “no reason” she could not work together with Mr Farage’s right-wing outfit. And he dismissed claims that Labour would need to lurch to the right on immigration to stop its voters flocking to the UKIP banner.
“That isn’t where the votes came from when the British National Party stood in Barking and Dagenham,” he said. “They came from people who had never voted before.”
The offensive advertising blitz is being funded with help from Yorkshire multimillionaire Paul Sykes, who has given a £1.5 million donation to the party.
Anti-racist movement and trade unions are rightly appalled by the incendiary anti-immigrant message being plastered on billboards across Britain by the UK Independence Party.
But Labour and the trade unions should heed to Workers’ Rights if they don’t listen to the warning that UKIP will continue to prosper as long as the left refuses to acknowledge public anger against the anti-democratic European Union.
Nigel Farage’s odious outfit claims to speak for ordinary people and not for the well-heeled metropolitan elite who have done so well out of the economic crisis they plunged the country into six years ago.
Those claims are lies.
Before throwing his lot in with Ukip Mr Farage was a City spiv just like the dodgy speculators who caused the financial crash of 2008.
As an MEP he has gleefully helped himself to the European Parliament’s no-questions-asked expenses trough, bragging in 2009 that he had claimed £2 million in this way.
Just like so many members of the Tory Party he once belonged to he clearly has a problem understanding that public money is not his for the taking.
And far from being an “anti-Establishment” party as it likes to pretend, Ukip shares wholeheartedly the Westminster Establishment’s neoliberal ideology.
Working-class people who have lost their jobs thanks to the government’s vicious assault on the public sector should know that Farage advocates even greater cuts to public spending than the Conservatives and Liberal Democrats.
Ukip claims to worry about pressure on public services yet calls for massive cuts to NHS spending and further contracting of health services out to greedy privateers.
George Osborne’s tax cuts for the wealthiest aren’t enough for Farage, who wants a single income tax rate for everyone, the abolition of all inheritance taxes and an even lower corporation tax rate.
But too much of the labour movement has yet to wake up to the fact that the European Union is also a bosses’ institution.
Its most powerful bodies, the European Commission and European Central Bank, are not elected by anyone and have been used to enshrine in law a Thatcherite policy of slashing jobs, privatising public services and trashing workers’ rights.
In return for “bailing out” Greece, Ireland and Portugal it has demanded enormous spending cuts and forced the suspension of collective bargaining.
It is intertwined with aggressive US foreign policy and recently played a key role in facilitating the overthrow of a corrupt but elected government in Ukraine by a hotch-potch of free market fanatics, fascist gunmen and homophobic nationalist zealots.
Poll after poll shows that British workers are no fans of the EU.
This is not, as the patronising rhetoric of new Labour and the Liberal Democrats suggests, because they have failed to understand it.
Nor is it because Britain’s working people, with their venerable tradition of international solidarity with the oppressed, are a bunch of xenophobes.
Workers have an entirely justified suspicion of a neoliberal empire which spouts free-market dogma and whose leaders can’t be voted out.
Labour should share their concern. Until it does only No2EU exists to put the progressive, socialist case for getting us out.
Unlike UKIP, this working-class organisation will not receive backing from millionaires to help it promote its message. It needs our support to do so instead.
Because we do indeed need to take back control of our country.
Not from the foreigners blamed by UKIP, but from the parasitical capitalist class and its institutions in Westminster and Brussels.
I can’t help but to think that Chris Searle is right when he quoted:
GROWING up in the post-war years in London, the anti-German ethos was often almost tangible.
I had been born in the apex of doodlebug attacks over the London-Essex suburbs, and such memories carried deep antipathy.
Then, when I was in the sixth form at school in the early ’60s, there was the trial of extermination-camp supremo Adolf Eichmann, when the raw and horrifying details of nazi Holocaust atrocities were exposed day after day on every newspaper front page.
Yet at school I had a powerful English teacher who showed us that fascism was only part of the German truth, and he invited us into his choice of school play — Bertolt Brecht’s marvellous narrative drama The Caucasian Chalk Circle.
It changed many of our attitudes towards the people and culture of Germany as we acted out the ideas and humanism of a German communist in suburban Essex in 1962.
Such memories came bounding back to me as I listened to this album of the Globe Unity Orchestra, originally the creation in 1966 of the Berlin-born pianist Alexander von Schlippenbach, who had first assembled a musical amalgam of German, English and other European free-jazz musicians in the Berlin Philharmonic just two decades after the cessation of the anti-fascist war in a pioneering and celebratory blast of jazz freedom, in an orchestra which was to meet again many times during the following four decades.
One of those more recent times was in January 2002, when many of the original members, like Schlippenbach himself, Bristolian tenorist Evan Parker, south London trombone genius Paul Rutherford, the Albert Ayler-inspired saxophonist from Remscheid Peter Brotzmann, the pioneering free trumpeter Manfred Schoof and drummers Aachen-born Paul Lovens and Londoner Paul Lytton all reunited for a rampaging session in Lovens’ home city.
The explosion of unity bursts out of Schlippenbach’s opening chords and the crashing Anglo-German drums of the album’s single hour-and-a-quarter-long track.
Brotzmann’s gushing, super-adenoidal tenor carves out the hornway as, one after another, these unchained heralds of free improvisation return to each other’s collective sonic comradeship after long, rampant choruses of solo timbral power and beauty.
When the singular British bassist Barry Guy — who as founder of the massive London Jazz Composers Orchestra knows well the purposes behind such music said that “this music is intrinsically social,” he invites listeners to step deeply inside its sounds.
When Rutherford’s extraordinary solo time comes and he explores his instrument’s inner and outer limits and every jot of its sliding voice, you wonder about the life experiences of his father, an anti-fascist soldier from Woolwich, and how they have woven themselves into the powerfully original and soul-soaked notes and brilliance of his son and these other peace-loving troubadours of a postwar jazz generation, German and British.
And when the soaring Schoof enters, his trumpet breathing a fiery friendship and hatred of fascism and war, it is as if the barriers are tumbling all over the world, for if it can happen in Europe after such a 20th-century history, then it can also happen any time, anywhere.
The next phase is Schlippenbach and the drummers and it is as if he is a drummer too, so forcefully and with so much passion and blood does he assail and caress his keys with an uncanny multiplicity of sound sensations.
And suddenly you realise that there is no bass in this orchestra, that the earth of its depth of sound is coming from drums and piano and the profundity of grounding notes from all the horns which create what sounds like an eternal detonation for several minutes until Parker — or is it Brotzmann, for by this time nations and individuals are eclipsed, discounted and forgotten in the blast and only when Brotzmann re-enters with his tarogato, unaccompanied yet encompassing the full orchestral unity, are you reminded that this orchestra is composed and created from an audacious group of singular and wildly creative musicians playing out their lives between two centuries, two millennia.
Its for this reason why I will continue to urge with the public to vote Labour on 22 May in both local and European Elections