Here what Nigel Farage thinks of our NHS:
Welcome to the United States of Nigel Farage who publicly concurs that our beloved NHS should be like America where you need to have health insurance before you receive treatment with the intentions of doing a deal with the Conservatives which backed fired on them as UKIP policies are up in disarray as they continue to flip-flop in what they want on their policies which they have no clear idea what their supporters want to see in their manifesto.
The leader of UKIP(Nigel Farage) has let the cat out of the bag for all to see a Secret documents leaked from a Ukip executive meeting appear to suggest that a government under Nigel Farage would consider plans to privatise the NHS and use current policies as a stepping stone to more “radical” change.
Mr Farage has repeatedly denied that Ukip would seek to privatise Britain’s health service if the party got into power, refusing to go further than telling the BBC’s Nick Robinson that “we are going to have to find ways” to deal with caring for a growing, aging population.
But videos have emerged showing the Ukip leader advocating an insurance-based system in the past, and according to Political Scrapbook newly-leaked documents show the party’s ruling committee unanimously approving a pro-privatisation policy at a meeting in October 2012.
The minutes from that meeting reportedly show executive members complaining that “the NHS is highly valued by the British people, despite its problems and limitations”, while another said that “we cannot change it wholesale because the public love it”.
Agreeing that a Ukip government would commission a cost-effectiveness study into privatisation while more minor policies were pursued, another said: “We can focus on stopping health tourism; we do not have to commit ourselves much further.
“In the longer term we want a radical approach but we cannot do that in this time frame.”
Ukip’s policy on the NHS was again the subject of discussion at Prime Minister’s Questions today after one of the party’s two MPs, Mark Reckless, asked why David Cameron was refusing to debate Mr Farage ahead of the general election in May. Ukip’s confusing policies
The Prime Minister replied: “The honourable gentleman comes to this House week after week to talk about the NHS in Kent, well Mr Farage said this [in 2012]: “We’re going to have to move to an insurance based system of health care.
Britain would end up squandering billions on a new health service bureaucracy if Ukip leader Nigel Farage gets his way, experts warned on 20 January 2015.
They hit out after the ex-City banker turned party chief confirmed that he wanted to scrap government funding and usher in an insurance-based system.
Let’s not forget the wise words 0f Harry Leslie Smith in this youtube:
So far UKIP proposals have been kept on a back-burner, Nigel Farage told the BBC.
But he added: “There is no question that healthcare provision is going to have to be very much greater in 10 years than it is today, with an ageing population, and we’re going to have to find ways to do it.”
Labour shadow health secretary Andy Burnham said: “Ukip claim to stand up for working people but in reality they are more Tory than the Tories.”
And alarmed health experts warned against Mr Farage’s continental-style plan.
Health Emergency campaign director Dr John Lister said: “Pro-rata they spend a lot more on health than we do it’s a very inefficient system.
“If someone says they’re going to favour that kind of system then they’ve got to be in favour of spending a lot more money.”
The top three most costly systems in the EU are the Netherlands, France and Germany, which spend between 11.6 per cent and 12 per cent of GDP a year on a labyrinth of insurers and private or independent hospitals.
Britain only spends 9.6 per cent but gets more per pound because the NHS offers “much better value,” Mr Lister said.
Fresh evidence of Ukip support for NHS privatisation follows leaked footage of Mr Farage saying he would feel “more comfortable” funnelling cash to insurers than “giving £100 billion a year to central government.”
Well it comes as no surprise that Ukip is not opposed to the corporate takeover of all our public services.
“When it says that the EU is overbearing it is also saying that all effective government needs to be replaced by the private sector which, ironically, is the same message coming out of Brussels.”
Until people realise that UKIP are strongly affiliated to the U.S. Tea Party movement and they are heavily influenced by private individuals who are multimillionaires both in America and UK which UKIP leadership is currying to gain favours should they be in a position of a coalition.
Some disturbing political news from across the pond: in two by-elections on Thursday, the xenophobic U.K. Independence Party won its first seat in the House of Commons and almost won a second. The victory came in a formerly Conservative-held seat in Clacton, east of London, where the party’s representative thrashed the Tory candidate, delivering a humiliating rebuke to Prime Minister David Cameron.
The near-miss came in Heywood and Middleton, a Labour stronghold in Greater Manchester, where the UKIP candidate was just six hundred votes short of winning.
These blows to the two major parties come just months before a general election, which has to be held by May of next year. On Friday morning, Cameron warned that a strong UKIP showing, especially in Tory seats, could throw the election to Labour by splitting the Conservative vote: “What last night demonstrates is that if you see a big UKIP vote you will end up with Ed Miliband as Prime Minister, Ed Balls as Chancellor, and Labour in power.”
The scenario that Cameron described is perfectly plausible. But the larger story goes well beyond the Westminster horse race and, indeed, beyond the shores of the United Kingdom. The rise of UKIP demonstrates, once again, that the politics of protest have shifted. From the French Revolution to the Great Depression and beyond, hard times tended to benefit progressive and left-wing parties, which critiqued the extant economic and political systems and offered blueprints for reforming or replacing them. These days, the primary beneficiaries of economic slumps are often right-wing groups, such as the Tea Party, the French National Front, and UKIP.
Wrapping themselves in the flag and excoriating what they view as a corrupt élite, these protest parties attract the support of alienated voters from across the political spectrum. By channelling economic distress and cultural alienation into resentment of foreigners, welfare beneficiaries, and government officials, they come to drive the political agenda. Meanwhile, avowedly left-wing parties, where they still exist, hardly get a look-in. And moderate progressive parties, far from being presented with an opportunity to enact an egalitarian agenda, are forced to back up and defend basic institutions of social democracy, such as progressive taxation and a universal social-safety net.
In the United States, the Obama Administration, to its credit, has offered this defense. By getting the Affordable Care Act enacted, it even managed to fill a big gap in the safety net. In Britain, by contrast, the Conservative–Liberal coalition, working under the banner of austerity, is steadily chipping away at the welfare state, cutting the level of benefits, tightening qualification requirements, and forcing students to pay more. But even that agenda isn’t tough enough for UKIP, which, in addition to bashing immigrants and Eurocrats, makes a fetish of targeting “scroungers” who subsist at the taxpayers’ expense.
Of course, I am generalizing there are exceptions that go both ways. Acute economic distress led to the New Deal and to the creation of the welfare state, but it also aided the rise of Fascism. Back then, though, the right didn’t have it all its own way, not even in Weimar Germany. (In the 1930 general election, the Nazis got eighteen per cent of the vote, setting them on the road to power, but the Communist Party, with thirteen per cent of the vote, also saw a surge in support.) Today, things are different. Greece and Spain are about the only places where the radical left, in the form of the SYRIZA and Podemos parties, has benefitted from the great financial crisis and its aftermath. (Jonathan Blitzer wrote about Podemos on Tuesday.) But, even in those places, there is no immediate prospect of a genuinely left-wing government taking power.
Here at home, the Tea Party has lately suffered some setbacks, and, of course, President Obama successfully secured re-election in 2012. Two years on, though, the backlash against his decidedly non-radical policies continues policies that have produced a modest but strengthening economic recovery. In many parts of the country, Obama is so unpopular that Democrats facing midterm elections don’t want him anywhere near them. To be sure, some progressive politicians, such as Senator Elizabeth Warren, have built up dedicated followings. But where is the national groundswell of support for a leftward tilt? (Some on the left would say that it exists but is submerged in an ocean of corporate money.)
In Europe, German ordoliberalism, which is another word for hair-shirt economics, rules supreme, even as much of the continent is trapped in a seemingly endless slump and Germany itself, Europe’s mightiest economy, flirts with recession. In Holland, Geert Wilders’s Party for Freedom has consolidated its position as a Dutch version of UKIP In France, perish the thought, it is no longer beyond the bounds of possibility that Marine Le Pen could become President.*
And in Blighty we are treated to the site of UKIP‘s leader, Nigel Farage, a former commodities trader turned rabble-rouser, celebrating his latest triumph by boozing it up in a Clacton pub until five in the morning, then emerging to say that he’d like to be the Minister for Europe in the next Parliament. Although you never can be sure with Farage that was presumably his idea of a joke: UKIP is committed to pulling the U.K. out of the E.U.
To be sure, we’re just talking about two by-elections. Come the general election, protest parties tend to fall back UKIP may conform to that pattern. For now, though, Farage is setting the political agenda, and some of the other parties, particularly the Conservatives, are pandering to him. Cameron has already promised a referendum on Britain’s continued membership in the E.U. Last week, at the annual Conservative-party conference, he announced that, even before the referendum takes place, his government will scrap the Human Rights Act of 1998, which enshrined the principles of the European Court of Human Rights into British law. But that announcement wasn’t enough to check the progress of UKIP. And where is the equivalent of Farage on the left? Nowhere to be found.
Now that you have the full story I would urge all to vote Labour on 7 May 2015